Ugaritic prln and Hurrian furullinni “haruspex”
Tania Notarius
GMU 2 | 2025 | DOI: 10.5281/zenodo.14677547PDF
The term prln is crucial for interpreting the professional background of the most famous and productive alphabetic scribe from Ugarit—ˀIlimilku. The goal of this essay is to summarize the previous work on this lexeme in both Ugaritic and Hurrian studies, and to tackle the potential implications for the deeper understanding of the alphabetic writing in Ugarit in general.
The title appears in ˀIlimilku’s long colophon, which says, e.g., in KTU 1.6 VI 54–58, spr ilmlk šbny lmd atn prln rb khnm rb nqdm ṯˁy nqmd mlk ugrt adn yrgb bˁl ṯrmn “The scribe (is) ˀIlimilku the Shubbanite, the student of ˀAttēnu the diviner, chief of the priests, chief of the herdsmen, court-official of Niqmaddu king of Ugarit, Lord of Yargubu and Ruler of Sharrumanu” (see also KTU 1.179 40; altogether the colophon of ˀIlimilku appears in three more texts—KTU 1.4, 1.16, 1.17). It is quite clear that prln refers to ˀIlimilku’s teacher, ˀAttē/ānu,This personal name is Hurrian, probably meaning “the father;” see Richter 2012, 67, for the personal name attan(n)i (< *attai⸗ni), attested in texts from Boğazköy. and not to ˀIlimilku himself. Apart from rare colophons of a single name, the colophon of ˀIlimilku is unique to the alphabetic corpus from Ugarit, sharing some typical characteristics with dozens of Akkadian logo-syllabic cuneiform colophons from Ugarit.See the discussion in van Soldt 1988, 1991, 19–32, Márquez Rowe 2006, 99–137, Hawley, Pardee, and Roche-Hawley 2015, 247–253, and Ernst-Pradal 2019.
As Wyatt (2015, 402) summarizes, Ugaritic prln “is generally agreed to be a transcription of the Hurrian term *furulin(n)i, ‘diviner’, corresponding to Akkadian bārû, ‘diviner’.”Cf. also, e.g., Pardee 2012, 43–44, stating that ˀAttēnu was “probably some kind of divination priest for such is the Hurrian meaning of the element purulini.” Indeed, while van Soldt 1988 had noted that prln was probably a term referring to ˀAttēnu’s cultic duties,See van Soldt 1988, 313 note 6: “prln is probably a title, compare possibly the Hurrian word purni-/pur(u)li-, ‘house’ or ‘temple’ (Laroche, Glossaire de la langue hourrite [1980], 206[–207]) or less likely wur-, ‘to see’ (ibid., 298). Dietrich & Loretz, UF 4, 1972, 32[–33] suggest a translation ‘Hofmeister’. I take the term to refer to Atta/enu’s cultic duties.” For the proposed etymological link between prln and Hurrian pur(ul)li- “temple,” see Dietrich and Loretz 1972, 32–33: “[prln] läßt sich möglicherweise wie folgt analysieren: prl + n. Hierbei entspricht prl hurr. purni/pur(ul)li ‚Haus‘ und das Affix -n (-anni) dem nominalen Bildungselement für Berufsbezeichnungen. Der prln ‚Häusler = Hofmeister‘ war wahrscheinlich ein Mann, der die Verwaltung des königlichen Palastes (und Besitzes) innehatte.” Cf. also Dietrich and Loretz 1980, 388 with note 11 (“Hofmeister”), de Moor and Spronk 1987, 164 s.v. prln, and de Moor 1987, 99 (“majordomo”). See, however, below . van Soldt 1989, basing on the lexical lists from Ugarit (RS 20.189A+B and parallels) and additional data from Emar,See also André-Salvini and Salvini 1998, 6, and 22–23 for another attestation of the Akkadian bārû and Hurrian furullinni correspondence in the lexicographic texts from Ugarit (RS 94.2939 col II line 10), and André-Salvini and Salvini 2000. established that Hurrian pu-ru-li-ni is rendered by Akkadian ba-ru-u (and Sumerian ḪAL), the latter being an active participle form of the root barû “see, inspect” in the meaning “seer.” This interpretation suggested that the Hurrian noun furullinni is to be derived from the verbal root /fur-/ “see,”See van Soldt 1989, 367, de Martino 1992, 8, André-Salvini and Salvini 1998, 23, Richter 2012, 327, Fournet 2013, 256, 300 (*[βurullini] “seer, soothsayer” < βur- “to see”), and DUL3 669–670 s.v. prln. On the Hurrian verb /fur/ “to see,” see Bush 1964, 318–319 note 112, Wegner 2007, 274, and Richter 2012, 325–326; note also the references in Richter 2012, 326, to wurallinni “Opferschauer” (fur⸗all⸗i⸗nni; probably attested in a fragmentary text from Boğazköy, KBo 33.129 3': [wu]ú-u-ra-al-li-i[n-ni]; see Trémouille 2005, 55 No 96 / 322), and to another nominal derivative of the verb /fur/ that is associated with divination, i.e., wurana “omen,” on which see de Martino 1992, 8. The phonetic similarity between Hurrian /fur/ “see” and Akkadian barû “see, inspect” is probably a mere coincidence. rather than from the noun “house, temple” (see ).furullinni “diviner” is to be dissociated from Hurrian pur(ul)li “temple” (cf. Richter 2012, 329–330) and the occupational terms b/purullum, attested in Old Assyrian texts, and lúparuli, attested in Alalaḫ texts (cf. AHw 142 s.v. b/purullum, be/arullum, burallum: “eine Art Gewerbepolizist?;” Zeeb 2001, 289–291; Richter 2012, 330). Zeeb (2001, 289–291) suggests that lúparuli in the Alalaḫ texts, probably corresponding to Akkadian rēdû “Anführer,” refers to a “hohen Hofbeamten, der neben der Rinderfütterung auch Aufgaben in der Verwaltung innehat,” and that the position of the lúparuli “cum grano salis der Stellung des atn in Ugarit entspricht” (2001, 290). Zeeb associates lúparuli with ˀAttēnu’s title prln attested in ˀIlimilku’s colophon. Following Dietrich and Loretz 1972 (see above ), he interprets prln, referring to ˀAttēnu, as “Hausverwalter” (for lúparuli he suggests the translation “Haushofmeister;” 2001, 289–290), but states: “Ein Zusammenhang [of the occupational term paruli / the Hurrian noun pur(ul)li ‘house, temple’] mit dem ugarit. belegten prln ‚diviner‘ (dazu W.H. v. Soldt, UF 21, 365–368) ist wohl auszuschließen, da das Logogramm hierfür ḪAL lautet und hinter dem enigmatischen pu-ru-da?-ni (Ug V 131,1') zu suchen sein könnte” (Zeeb 2001, 290 note 373). In Ug V 131,1', however, it is to be read [p]u-ru-l[i-ni]; see van Soldt 1989, 365–366, and André-Salvini and Salvini 1998, 22–23.
However, according to André-Salvini and Salvini (1998, 23) and Rutz (2008, 436 note 316), Hurr. furullinni “diviner” is related to the lexeme pu-ru-li-, attested in unpublished Emar texts; André-Salvini and Salvini: “A Meskéné sont attestés pu-ru-li (MSK 74.224 6'), cas absolu, et pu-ru-li-ra[ (MSK 74.171 A Vo 5'), cas comitatif.”
Grammatically, Giorgieri (2000, 194, 197) parses the form as: fur⸗o/ull⸗i⸗nni. The root extension -o/ull- expresses, according to André-Salvini and Salvini (1998, 23), an intensive and frequent mode of action,Cf. also Wegner 2007, 139. but according to Giorgieri (2010, 942), -o/ull- is a suffix of uncertain function. The transitive-antipassive thematic vowel -i-See the personal communication from Gernot Wilhelm, reported in van Soldt 1989, 368 note 25. marks the verbal basis. As for the derivational suffix -nni-, Wilhelm (2004, 106) claims, that the suffix -ni / -nni is typical for some nouns, adjectives, and adverbs, and is used in terms of profession like urb⸗ar⸗i⸗nni “butcher” (urb- “slaughter”) and fur⸗o/ull⸗i⸗nni “diviner” (fur- “see”).For the analysis of the suffix -nni in fur⸗o/ull⸗i⸗nni “diviner” as marker of a term of profession, see already André-Salvini and Salvini 1998, 23. On nominal derivatives of verbs with suffix -nni, see also Bush 1973, esp. 45 / 51–52.
Till lately, in the alphabetic corpus from Ugarit, the lexeme prln was known only from the colophons of ˀIlimilku and one small ivory fragment of a liver model.KTU 6.47 (= RS 20.401 Aa); for a recent transcription and autography see Gachet and Pardee 2001, 214 (text) and 226 No 44 (autography). However, in RIH 83/01 10–12, published by Bordreuil and Pardee (2019, text 36), one finds one more attestation: arbˁm ksp ˁl ˁbdy bn nˁmrš bd prln syn “quarante (sicles d’)argent au débit de ˁAbdiya fils de Nuˁmiraš<ap> ?, qui est sous l’egide du devin de (la ville de) Siyyānu.” The text refers to a silver transaction that was completed “under the auspice / into the hand of the diviner of (the town of) Siyyānu,” or, as the editors appear to believe, that the silver was entrusted to ˁAbdiya, who was himself under the authority of the prln of Siyyānu. According to DUL3 (762 s.v. syn), Siyyānu is a city-state to the south of Ugarit mentioned dozens of times in the texts form Ugarit (mainly in the logo-syllabic corpus), “convincingly identified with Tell Siyano, east of Jebleh,” or an eponymous kingdom (van Soldt 1997, 700; see also Malbran-Labat 2003; van Soldt 2005, 64–70). The data from RIH 83/01 10–12 suggest that a place such as Siyyānu could have its own prln, who was also involved in local commercial activity. No doubt this newly published text contributes to a better understanding of this term.See already Pardee 2015, and 2022a, 398.
Bordreuil and Pardee (2019, 108) ask why ˀAttēnu and this individual from Siyyānu are both labelled as prln: Was it because both these individuals were of Hurrian ethnicity, or because they practice a Hurrian type of divination, which maintains a prestigious status?“Était-ce parce que ces deux personnages étaient encore identifiés au 13e s. av. n. è. comme des Hourrites (le nom de ˀAttēnu est d’origine hourrite), parce que ces deux personnages pratiquaient la divination à la hourrite, pour s’entourer du prestige de la divination hourrite … ?” They wonder why a Hurrian term was used and not one of the usual Ugaritic terms used for people who engage in activities related to divination. Either mlḫš, attested in KTU 1.100, referring to a professional snake-speller, or ṯˁy, another title of ˀIlimilku, also a type of healer in KTU 1.169 (= RIH 78/20) 2, would suggest themselves.
However, the latter title, ṯˁy, was demonstrated to be an equivalent of Akkadian sukkalu(m), borrowed from Sumerian SUKKAL, at least in the language of colophons.See CAD S, 354–360 s.v. sukkallu (šukkallu): “a court official;” AHw III, 1263–1264 s.v. šu(k)kallu(m), sukkallu(m): “Minister, Wesir”. According to van Soldt (1988, 321), both terms refer to senior scribes (usually teachers) in the service of kings: “a scribe of high rank and considerable experience, with his own pupils to whom he taught the complicated Babylonian cuneiform script.”Cf. Wyatt 2015, 403; for a more nuanced discussion see Malbran-Labat and Roche 2007, 89–92, Mouton and Roche-Hawley 2015, 196 (both papers emphasize the administrative and cultic functions behind this term), Pardee 2022a, and 2022b. The term furullinni on the other hand, corresponds to Akkadian bārû, “diviner,” as it is claimed above. There seems to be no need to translate the Hurrian furullinni into Ugaritic as mlḫš, simply because in the multilingual lexical list RS 20.189A (discussed in van Soldt 1989), the Ugaritic column in line 33 reads BU-r[u-, namely the beginning of the same lexeme prln that we see in the alphabetic attestations. Prln “diviner” was an Ugaritic lexeme, borrowed from Hurrian, which not necessarily had another Ugaritic equivalent, and is not a code-switching phenomenon (see also Pardee 2015, 173).
A closer look at the Akkadian equivalent bārûSee AHw I, 109–110 s.v. bārû(m), and CAD B, 121–125 s.v. bārû. reveals that the Ugaritic prln was probably concerned mainly with extispicy / haruspicy (inspecting animal entrails).For the Ugarit and Alalaḫ occurrences see particularly CAD B, 125 s.v. bārû b 3' c'; for Emar cf. Mouton and Roche-Hawley 2015, 195. Babylonian extispicy became a widely practiced science in Syria-Canaan and Anatolia in the Late Bronze Age, including the Hurrian milieu and Ugarit, and even went through the process of localization.See the discussion in Maul 2018, 176–181. For extispicy in Anatolia, see Kammenhuber 1976; for the Syrian context (Emar), see Arnaud 1987, 283–309, and Fleming 2000; for Hurrian adaptations, see Wilhelm 1987, and de Martino 1992. Taking into account that a large number of divinatory artifacts as well as tablets of liver omens or the šumma izbu divinatory genre were produced in Ugarit (both in Akkadian and UgariticSee Gachet and Pardee 2001 for a collection of ivory fragments of inscribed liver models; recent editions of better preserved inscribed clay models of animal livers and a lung can be found in Pardee 2002, 127–131; Dietrich and Loretz 1990, 3–5, emphasize the dependence of these Ugaritic texts on the Akkadian divinatory tradition.), it can plausibly be hypothesized that the prln ˀAttēnu, and perhaps also the prln from Siyyānu, were haruspices. As such, they were responsible for writing down, practicing and teaching this type of knowledge, in both cuneiform logo-syllabic and alphabetic scribal practices, acting in a multi-lingual—Akkadian, Hurrian, and Ugaritic—environment.
Acknowledgments
This work is based on research supported by the National Research Foundation of South Africa (Tania Notarius UID 150167).
Notes
- This personal name is Hurrian, probably meaning “the father;” see Richter 2012, 67, for the personal name attan(n)i (< *attai⸗ni), attested in texts from Boğazköy.
- See the discussion in van Soldt 1988, 1991, 19–32, Márquez Rowe 2006, 99–137, Hawley, Pardee, and Roche-Hawley 2015, 247–253, and Ernst-Pradal 2019.
- Cf. also, e.g., Pardee 2012, 43–44, stating that ˀAttēnu was “probably some kind of divination priest for such is the Hurrian meaning of the element purulini.”
- See van Soldt 1988, 313 note 6: “prln is probably a title, compare possibly the Hurrian word purni-/pur(u)li-, ‘house’ or ‘temple’ (Laroche, Glossaire de la langue hourrite [1980], 206[–207]) or less likely wur-, ‘to see’ (ibid., 298). Dietrich & Loretz, UF 4, 1972, 32[–33] suggest a translation ‘Hofmeister’. I take the term to refer to Atta/enu’s cultic duties.” For the proposed etymological link between prln and Hurrian pur(ul)li- “temple,” see Dietrich and Loretz 1972, 32–33: “[prln] läßt sich möglicherweise wie folgt analysieren: prl + n. Hierbei entspricht prl hurr. purni/pur(ul)li ‚Haus‘ und das Affix -n (-anni) dem nominalen Bildungselement für Berufsbezeichnungen. Der prln ‚Häusler = Hofmeister‘ war wahrscheinlich ein Mann, der die Verwaltung des königlichen Palastes (und Besitzes) innehatte.” Cf. also Dietrich and Loretz 1980, 388 with note 11 (“Hofmeister”), de Moor and Spronk 1987, 164 s.v. prln, and de Moor 1987, 99 (“majordomo”). See, however, below .
- See also André-Salvini and Salvini 1998, 6, and 22–23 for another attestation of the Akkadian bārû and Hurrian furullinni correspondence in the lexicographic texts from Ugarit (RS 94.2939 col II line 10), and André-Salvini and Salvini 2000.
- See van Soldt 1989, 367, de Martino 1992, 8, André-Salvini and Salvini 1998, 23, Richter 2012, 327, Fournet 2013, 256, 300 (*[βurullini] “seer, soothsayer” < βur- “to see”), and DUL3 669–670 s.v. prln. On the Hurrian verb /fur/ “to see,” see Bush 1964, 318–319 note 112, Wegner 2007, 274, and Richter 2012, 325–326; note also the references in Richter 2012, 326, to wurallinni “Opferschauer” (fur⸗all⸗i⸗nni; probably attested in a fragmentary text from Boğazköy, KBo 33.129 3': [wu]ú-u-ra-al-li-i[n-ni]; see Trémouille 2005, 55 No 96 / 322), and to another nominal derivative of the verb /fur/ that is associated with divination, i.e., wurana “omen,” on which see de Martino 1992, 8. The phonetic similarity between Hurrian /fur/ “see” and Akkadian barû “see, inspect” is probably a mere coincidence.
- furullinni “diviner” is to be dissociated from Hurrian pur(ul)li “temple” (cf. Richter 2012, 329–330) and the occupational terms b/purullum, attested in Old Assyrian texts, and lúparuli, attested in Alalaḫ texts (cf. AHw 142 s.v. b/purullum, be/arullum, burallum: “eine Art Gewerbepolizist?;” Zeeb 2001, 289–291; Richter 2012, 330). Zeeb (2001, 289–291) suggests that lúparuli in the Alalaḫ texts, probably corresponding to Akkadian rēdû “Anführer,” refers to a “hohen Hofbeamten, der neben der Rinderfütterung auch Aufgaben in der Verwaltung innehat,” and that the position of the lúparuli “cum grano salis der Stellung des atn in Ugarit entspricht” (2001, 290). Zeeb associates lúparuli with ˀAttēnu’s title prln attested in ˀIlimilku’s colophon. Following Dietrich and Loretz 1972 (see above ), he interprets prln, referring to ˀAttēnu, as “Hausverwalter” (for lúparuli he suggests the translation “Haushofmeister;” 2001, 289–290), but states: “Ein Zusammenhang [of the occupational term paruli / the Hurrian noun pur(ul)li ‘house, temple’] mit dem ugarit. belegten prln ‚diviner‘ (dazu W.H. v. Soldt, UF 21, 365–368) ist wohl auszuschließen, da das Logogramm hierfür ḪAL lautet und hinter dem enigmatischen pu-ru-da?-ni (Ug V 131,1') zu suchen sein könnte” (Zeeb 2001, 290 note 373). In Ug V 131,1', however, it is to be read [p]u-ru-l[i-ni]; see van Soldt 1989, 365–366, and André-Salvini and Salvini 1998, 22–23.
However, according to André-Salvini and Salvini (1998, 23) and Rutz (2008, 436 note 316), Hurr. furullinni “diviner” is related to the lexeme pu-ru-li-, attested in unpublished Emar texts; André-Salvini and Salvini: “A Meskéné sont attestés pu-ru-li (MSK 74.224 6'), cas absolu, et pu-ru-li-ra[ (MSK 74.171 A Vo 5'), cas comitatif.” - Cf. also Wegner 2007, 139.
- See the personal communication from Gernot Wilhelm, reported in van Soldt 1989, 368 note 25.
- For the analysis of the suffix -nni in fur⸗o/ull⸗i⸗nni “diviner” as marker of a term of profession, see already André-Salvini and Salvini 1998, 23. On nominal derivatives of verbs with suffix -nni, see also Bush 1973, esp. 45 / 51–52.
- KTU 6.47 (= RS 20.401 Aa); for a recent transcription and autography see Gachet and Pardee 2001, 214 (text) and 226 No 44 (autography).
- See already Pardee 2015, and 2022a, 398.
- “Était-ce parce que ces deux personnages étaient encore identifiés au 13e s. av. n. è. comme des Hourrites (le nom de ˀAttēnu est d’origine hourrite), parce que ces deux personnages pratiquaient la divination à la hourrite, pour s’entourer du prestige de la divination hourrite … ?”
- See CAD S, 354–360 s.v. sukkallu (šukkallu): “a court official;” AHw III, 1263–1264 s.v. šu(k)kallu(m), sukkallu(m): “Minister, Wesir”.
- Cf. Wyatt 2015, 403; for a more nuanced discussion see Malbran-Labat and Roche 2007, 89–92, Mouton and Roche-Hawley 2015, 196 (both papers emphasize the administrative and cultic functions behind this term), Pardee 2022a, and 2022b.
- See AHw I, 109–110 s.v. bārû(m), and CAD B, 121–125 s.v. bārû.
- For the Ugarit and Alalaḫ occurrences see particularly CAD B, 125 s.v. bārû b 3' c'; for Emar cf. Mouton and Roche-Hawley 2015, 195.
- See the discussion in Maul 2018, 176–181. For extispicy in Anatolia, see Kammenhuber 1976; for the Syrian context (Emar), see Arnaud 1987, 283–309, and Fleming 2000; for Hurrian adaptations, see Wilhelm 1987, and de Martino 1992.
- See Gachet and Pardee 2001 for a collection of ivory fragments of inscribed liver models; recent editions of better preserved inscribed clay models of animal livers and a lung can be found in Pardee 2002, 127–131; Dietrich and Loretz 1990, 3–5, emphasize the dependence of these Ugaritic texts on the Akkadian divinatory tradition.
Abbreviations
The abbreviations follow RlA (Streck, Michael P., et al., eds. 1928–2016. Reallexikon der Assyriologie und Vorderasiatischen Archäologie. Berlin etc.: De Gruyter [Download PDF]) and EUPT (list of abbreviations).
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